Showing posts with label Trade. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Trade. Show all posts

Friday, February 24, 2017

Chinese Tire Companies Win U.S. Trade Case

International Trade LawThe U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC) yesterday determined by a 3-2 vote that the domestic U.S. tire industry was not injured or threatened with injury by imports of truck and bus tires from China. Although the U.S Department of Commerce last month in its concurrent investigations had determined that Chinese truck and bus tires were dumped and subsidized, the ITC’s negative determination means no more antidumping or countervailing duties (AD/CVD) will be collected on imported Chinese truck and bus tires.

The ITC’s negative determination is a good indication that for all the protectionist rhetoric and trade saber rattling from the Trump administration, the ITC is not just going to rubber stamp every case filed by a petitioning domestic industry. The ITC will still decide its AD/CVD cases based on the extensive amount of industry data collected from its investigations and will not rely just on the alternative facts offered by petitioners.

This tires case was weak from the outset. First, it was brought only by the United Steel Workers (which represents the workers at the big U.S. tire factories) and not by the tire companies themselves. Unlike virtually all other AD/CVD cases, the domestic producers in this case did not want to sign their name to the petition. Some have speculated that the Steel Workers filed this and other tire AD/CVD cases to obtain negotiating leverage to try to extract production and wage concessions from the U.S. tire industry management.

Although the U.S. market for truck and bus tires in 2015 was about $ 6 billion dollars, U.S. producers supplied only 60 percent of that demand. U.S. truck and bus tire producers already are operating at full capacity, so even with new U.S. tire factories opening, imports are still clearly needed to meet U.S. demand. China was the leading import source of truck and bus tires with about $ 1.2 billion imported in 2015.

All the U.S. produced tires were of premium brands, whereas most of the Chinese tires were sold under lesser known or private label brands. Because consumers generally associate producers’ brand names such as Goodyear or Bridgestone or Michelin with quality and performance, Chinese tires not surprisingly were priced lower when sold under a private label. This price difference associated with the different brands reflects the distinct market segments; the higher priced premium U.S. brands did not really compete with the no-name generics or private label Chinese tires. Moreover, though tire prices declined between 2013 to 2015, this was due primarily to declines in raw material costs, primarily natural rubber.  Prices of U.S. tires sold to OEM customers fell at the same rate as prices for U.S. aftermarket sales, even though very few Chinese tires were sold to OEM customers. Chinese tires thus cannot be blamed for the price declines that were occurring.

The domestic tire industry also was performing quite well and thus had a hard time demonstrating it had been injured. The domestic industry was healthy as production, capacity utilization, shipments were all higher in 2015 compared with 2013. Employment, wages and productivity indicators also showed improvement. The domestic producers had high and rising profits (operating income = 20.7%; net income = 18.3%), even though prices had fallen. So, even as Chinese imports were increasing, U.S. tire producers were thriving.

Despite all of these facts, this case could have resulted in an affirmative injury or threat of injury determination based on the increasing volumes of low-priced Chinese import tires that reducing the domestic producers’ market share. An argument can also be made that the significant volume of Chinese tires caused the domestic industry to lose revenue and be less profitable than it would have been without the Chinese imports.

In its preliminary investigation, the ITC made an affirmative determination by a 4-2 vote that the domestic industry was injured or threatened with injury, but two of the six Commissioners changed their positions in the final investigation. Vice Chairman David S. Johanson had found a threat of injury in the preliminary investigation, but switched to a negative injury/ threat determination in the final. Commissioner Dean A. Pinkert voted affirmative in the preliminary determination but then abstained and did not participate in the final investigation. If either of these two votes had stayed affirmative, a 3-3 tie vote would have resulted in AD/CVD duty orders being issued. Given the closeness of the vote, I expect the United Steel Workers will appeal the ITC’s negative determination to the U.S. Court of International Trade

Ultimately, this ITC negative determination was not only a huge victory for the Chinese tire industry and for U.S. importers of those tires, but also for anyone who wants U.S. trade cases to be determined on the facts and the law  and legal arguments presented and not just on a protectionist trade policy. The vast majority of petitions filed have resulted in AD/CVD orders being issued, and it likely will continue this way for the foreseeable future.  Given the current political climate, however, it’s nice to see a negative ITC determination just to be reassured that the ITC still recognizes its obligation under U.S. trade laws to conduct investigations fairly and that not all AD/CVD petitions are deserving of trade remedy relief.

Wednesday, February 1, 2017

China is Getting Ready for a US-China Trade War

US-China trade warPresident Trump has already acted on some of his trade-related campaign promises. One of his first official actions was to withdraw the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Trump also floated the idea of imposing a 20% tax on all imported Mexican goods to pay for the US-Mexico border wall, but he appears to have backed off that idea, at least somewhat. Below I discuss how the Trump Administrations early trade actions may benefit China the most, instead of benefitting America “first.” I also discuss how China is not standing idly by, but rather is positioning itself to defend or retaliate against U.S. trade actions that target China.

  • Trump’s TPP Withdrawal. In signing the executive order withdrawing the United States from the TPP, President Trump merely signed the death certificate for a trade deal that was practically comatose well before he took office. Trump described the TPP (along with basically every other trade agreement) as a “bad deal” that would result in a “death blow for American workers.”  Many commentators, however, have noted that China will be the biggest winner from Trump’s abandonment of the TPP.  The TPP aimed to reduce trade barriers and tariffs across 12 countries, but specifically and tellingly did not include China. The TPP was part of a strategic U.S. pivot towards Asia that attempted to strengthen American economic ties in the region to counter-balance China’s increasing power there. With the demise of the TPP,  other Asian countries such as Australia, South Korea, and the Philippines, likely will be pulled even tighter into China’s expanding economic sphere of influence in the region. China also has been handed an opportunity to fill the political leadership void in the region created by Trump’s withdrawal from TPP.  China now could take the place of the United States in the TPP, but appears more likely to push for completing of its own proposed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which includes many of the same Asian countries that were part of TPP, but not the United States. If RCEP is successfully negotiated, U.S industries stand to lose significant market share throughout the Asian countries that will have preferential rates with its RCEP partners, but not the United States.
  • Trump Floats, Then Walks Back, A Proposed 20% Tax on Mexican Imports. The Twitterverse exploded with people angry that avocados and tequila could cost more because of Trump’s proposal to impose a 20% tax on all Mexican imports.  White House spokesperson Sean Spicer rushed to explain that the idea of the 20% tax was not really a policy proposal, but just one example of the options for how to pay for the U.S.-Mexico border wall. Trump’s having paused after proposing a 20% tax on imported Mexican goods got a bad reaction (“Guacapocalypse!!”) and that may bode well for China exports to the United States, at least temporarily. During the campaign, Trump had proposed a 45% tax on all Chinese imports. But if U.S. consumers hated the idea of a 20% tax on Mexican goods, it seems likely that a 45% tax on Chinese imports would trigger even greater outrage because of the broader spectrum of goods from China that would be affected. Instead of a straight tariff on imports, however, Trump may now try to impose a border adjustment tax (BAT) similar to what House Republicans have recently started pushing. But calling it a tariff or a more complicated BAT won’t change the bottom line, which is that either option would make imports more expensive and US consumers would bear the brunt of those increased costs.

China thus far has publicly taken the high road and stated no one wins  in a U.S.-China Trade war. However, China also has taken the following steps to better position itself to defend, or to more aggressively retaliate, against the United States if Trump insists on escalating the trade war.

  • China’s WTO Challenge v. U.S. Continuing NME Status for China – China insists that when it negotiated the terms that allowed China to accede to the WTO in 2001, the United States agreed to treat China as a non-market economy (“NME”) in antidumping cases, but only for another fifteen years, after which it would be treated like all other market economy countries. Unfortunately for China, the Chinese negotiators for the 2001 US-China WTO Accession agreement were primarily politicos, and not lawyers. Because this agreement was not drafted precisely as the Chinese intended, the United States has been able to parse the language to come up with a plausible legal argument that the U.S.-China WTO Accession did not call for an absolute hard deadline for terminating China’s NME status, but rather provided only a conditional promise to terminate China’s NME status. The revocation of China’s NME status is a high priority objective among China’s leadership and immediately after the December 11, 2016 fifteenth anniversary of China’s WTO accession, China filed a WTO challenge against the United States’ continued application of NME status in antidumping cases against China.
  • China’s Increasing Opposition to U.S. AD/CVD Proceedings – China’s complaint against the United States’ refusal to grant market economy status will take many years to work its way through the WTO dispute settlement process. In the meantime, China will not just wait to see if the WTO will rule in its favor. China just within the past month has become more outspoken against U.S. Department of Commerce (DOC) determinations in AD/CVD proceedings against China.  China’s Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) recently issued press releases objecting to specific methodologies used by DOC and ITC to obtain inflated AD/CVD rates in a wide variety of cases involving off-road tires, biaxial geogrids,  hardwood plywood and amorphous silica fabric, carbon and alloy steel, and ammonium sulfate.  Previously, MOFCOM typically would only monitor the outcomes of DOC and ITC cases without commenting on any specific
China is Getting Ready for a US-China Trade War